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Tuesday, October 13, 2026

Legislative Branch II



For a week from today:
Drawing on the Boehner, Franken, or Underwood readings, identify one aspect of congressional life you would enjoy and one that would drive you crazy. Would you thrive on bargaining, making speeches, helping constituents? What would test your patience or tempt you to compromise your ideals? Be candid. You need not pretend that you would make a great lawmaker.

Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution: 
In all bodies, those who will lead, must also, in a considerable degree, follow.

Hill leadership

Mike Wirth and Dr. Suzanne Cooper-Guasco:





How is Congress representative?

The House of Representatives is so constituted as to support in the members an habitual recollection of their dependence on the people. Before the sentiments impressed on their minds by the mode of their elevation can be effaced by the exercise of power, they will be compelled to anticipate the moment when their power is to cease, when their exercise of it is to be reviewed, and when they must descend to the level from which they were raised; there forever to remain unless a faithful discharge of their trust shall have established their title to a renewal of it. I will add, as a fifth circumstance in the situation of the House of Representatives, restraining them from oppressive measures, that they can make no law which will not have its full operation on themselves and their friends, as well as on the great mass of the society.


WHAT IS THE PERSONAL SIDE OF CONGRESSIONAL SERVICE?

 

Federalist 63:

As the cool and deliberate sense of the community ought, in all governments, and actually will, in all free governments, ultimately prevail over the views of its rulers; so there are particular moments in public affairs when the people, stimulated by some irregular passion, or some illicit advantage, or misled by the artful misrepresentations of interested men, may call for measures which they themselves will afterwards be the most ready to lament and condemn. In these critical moments, how salutary will be the interference of some temperate and respectable body of citizens, in order to check the misguided career, and to suspend the blow meditated by the people against themselves, until reason, justice, and truth can regain their authority over the public mind? What bitter anguish would not the people of Athens have often escaped if their government had contained so provident a safeguard against the tyranny of their own passions? Popular liberty might then have escaped the indelible reproach of decreeing to the same citizens the hemlock on one day and statues on the next.

BUT DOES THE SYSTEM WORK WITH POLARIZED AND NATIONALIZED  PARTIES? 

There are bipartisan bills:  Franken and service dogs

BESIDES PASSING BILLS, MEMBERS OF CONGRESS:
  • SERVE AS CONSTITUENT CONCIERGES
  • MAKE APPEARANCES IN THE CONSTITUENCY
  • MAKE SPEECHES
  • DO MEDIA INTERVIEWS
  • ISSUE PRESS RELEASES AND SOCIAL MEDIA POSTS
HOLD HEARINGS:  FRANKEN REFLECTIONS

Thinking about Congress, the presidency, emergencies, and foreign policy

Presidents and Emergency Powers

Governors actually have primary responsibility.

Tocqueville:

Now, it is this clear perception of the future, based on judgment and experience, which must often be lacking in a democracy. The people feel more strongly than they reason; and if present ills are great, it is to be feared that they will forget the greater evils that perhaps await them in case of defeat (p. 223).
[The] great privilege enjoyed by the Americans is not only to be more enlightened than other nations but also to have the chance to make mistakes that can be retrieved (p. 225).

 One kind of mistake, however, is not retrievable.

Sunday, October 11, 2026

Legislative Branch I

 For Wednesday, Franken, Boehner, Underwood.

On March 8, 1983, President Reagan spoke to the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, He expressed his views on the Soviet Union, famously calling it an "evil empire." He defended the Judeo-Christian traditions against the Soviet Union's totalitarian leadership and lack of religious faith, saying that these differences were at the heart of the conflict between the two nations.


This document makes clear that Reagan did not simply read the words before him:  he played a very active part in writing the speech itself.  One amusing sidelight:  speechwriter Tony Dolan included a spurious quotation from Alexis deTocqueville -- which Reagan changed:




Federalist 47: "From these facts, by which Montesquieu was guided, it may clearly be inferred that, in saying "There can be no liberty where the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or body of magistrates,'' or, "if the power of judging be not separated from the legislative and executive powers,'' he did not mean that these departments ought to have no PARTIAL AGENCY in, or no CONTROL over, the acts of each other."


Federalist 48: The conclusion which I am warranted in drawing from these observations is, that a mere demarcation on parchment of the constitutional limits of the several departments, is not a sufficient guard against those encroachments which lead to a tyrannical concentration of all the powers of government in the same hands.

Federalist 51 (again) [A]nd to render them, by different modes of election and different principles of action, as little connected with each other as their common functions and their common dependence on the society will admit.  An example from an article by Gov 20H alum Hans Nichols


SECTION 1 
All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

SECTION 2

The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.

No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen..

Federalist 57: Who are to be the electors of the federal representatives? Not the rich, more than the poor; not the learned, more than the ignorant; not the haughty heirs of distinguished names, more than the humble sons of obscurity and unpropitious fortune. The electors are to be the great body of the people of the United States. They are to be the same who exercise the right in every State of electing the corresponding branch of the legislature of the State. Who are to be the objects of popular choice? Every citizen whose merit may recommend him to the esteem and confidence of his country. No qualification of wealth, of birth, of religious faith, or of civil profession is permitted to fetter the judgement or disappoint the inclination of the people.

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other

 Persons.Akhil Amar on the Three-Fifths Clause:

The radical vice of Article I as drafted and ratified was that it gave slaveholding regions extra clout in every election as far as the eye could see - a political gift that kept giving. And growing. Unconstrained by any explicit intrastate equality norm in Article I, and emboldened by the federal [3/5] ratio, many slave states in the antebellum era skewed their congressional-district maps in favor of slaveholding regions within the state. Thus the House not only leaned south, but also within coastal slave states bent east, toward tidewater plantations that grabbed more than their fair share of seats. ... The very foundation of the Constitution’s first branch was tilted and rotten.

And not just the first branch. The Article II electoral college sat atop the Article I base: The electors who picked the president would be apportioned according to the number of seats a state had in the House and Senate. In turn, presidents would nominate cabinet heads, Supreme Court justices, and other Article III judges.

Consequences of the Three-Fifths Clause.  From William Lee Miller, Arguing About Slavery:

Five of the first seven presidents were slaveholders, for thirty-two of the nation’s first thirty-six years forty of its first forty-eight, fifty of its first sixty four, the nation’s president was a slaveholder. The powerful office of Speaker of the House was held by a slaveholder for twenty-eight of the nation’s first thirty-five years. The president pro tem of the Senate was virtually always a slaveholder. The majority of the cabinet members and — very important — of justices of the Supreme Court were slaveholders. The slaveholding Chief Justice Roger Taney, appointed by slaveholding President Andrew Jackson to succeed the slaveholding John Marshall, would serve all the way through the decades before the war into the years of the Civil War itself; it would be a radical change of the kind slaveholders feared when in 1863, President Lincoln would appoint the anti-slavery politician Salmon P. Chase of Ohio to succeed Taney.
The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct.


When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies.


The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers;and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.


Section 3

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote. [Seventeenth Amendment changed the procedure]

SENATOR DARLINE GRAHAM SUCCEEDED HER BROTHER.


Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. ...

No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.

The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.

The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States.
Tocqueville (p. 200):  "When one enters the House of Representatives at Washington, one is struck by the vulgar demeanor of that great assembly...A couple of paces away is the entrance to the Senate, whose narrow precincts contain a large proportion of the famous men of America."
Federalist 63: As the cool and deliberate sense of the community ought, in all governments, and actually will, in all free governments, ultimately prevail over the views of its rulers; so there are particular moments in public affairs when the people, stimulated by some irregular passion, or some illicit advantage, or misled by the artful misrepresentations of interested men, may call for measures which they themselves will afterwards be the most ready to lament and condemn. In these critical moments, how salutary will be the interference of some temperate and respectable body of citizens, in order to check the misguided career, and to suspend the blow meditated by the people against themselves, until reason, justice, and truth can regain their authority over the public mind? What bitter anguish would not the people of Athens have often escaped if their government had contained so provident a safeguard against the tyranny of their own passions? Popular liberty might then have escaped the indelible reproach of decreeing to the same citizens the hemlock on one day and statues on the next.
The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.

Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law. 



Demographics of Congress

=============
Thnking about Congress, the presidency and foreign policy

 Tocqueville:
Now, it is this clear perception of the future, based on judgment and experience, which must often be lacking in a democracy. The people feel more strongly than they reason; and if present ills are great, it is to be feared that they will forget the greater evils that perhaps await them in case of defeat (p. 223).
[The] great privilege enjoyed by the Americans is not only to be more enlightened than other nations but also to have the chance to make mistakes that can be retrieved (p. 225).
Congressional leadership.  
Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution: 
In all bodies, those who will lead, must also, in a considerable degree, follow. They must conform their propositions to the taste, talent, and disposition, of those whom they wish to conduct: therefore, if an assembly is viciously or feebly composed in a very great part of it, nothing but such a supreme degree of virtue as very rarely appears in the world, and for that reason cannot enter into calculation, will prevent the men of talent disseminated through it from becoming only the expert instruments of absurd projects! 

Tuesday, October 6, 2026

Simulation Day!

 For Monday, read 

For your writeup, pick one thing you learned about the presidency in class this week and apply it to this week's news.


President Arya
Vice President  Jessica
Secretary of Defense Graham
Secretary of State Muskaan
Secretary of Energy Edden
Secretary of Commerce Gavia
Secretary of Labor Philip
Attorney General Ben
Secretary of Homeland Security Caleb
Chair, Federal Trade Commission Lucas
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs (aka the National Security Advisor) Annie Chen
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations Nikhil
Chief of Staff Sabi
Director of the Office of Science and Technology Policy Aryaa
Director of National Intelligence Lily
CIA Director Isabella 
FBI Director Nate
White House Counsel  Alex
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Annie Long


NSC members should consider the following policy options:

Pursue an international governing regime for AI. An international framework could produce widely adopted, responsible AI regulations that limit the worst harms of AI. Taking a leading role in negotiations could maximize U.S. influence over their outcome. However, an international framework would be difficult to negotiate. It could force the United States to compromise by accepting limitations it deemed harmful to innovation or allowing practices it deemed against its interests or values. Moreover, slow negotiations could fail to reach decisions at a pace required to keep up with the speed of AI development.

Pursue federal regulation measures. This option could entail executive action to set standards for AI use within the United States. Such action would grant the federal government significant influence over AI governance within U.S. borders and could prioritize striking a balance between protecting Americans and fostering innovation. To the extent that U.S. AI technology is used internationally, national regulations could also have some measure of global influence. However, regulatory regimes are notoriously slow to develop and may inevitably be reactive in nature when faced with such a fast-moving technology, unnecessarily and slowing down AI adoption in the United States while other countries race ahead.

Limit AI governance. This option could entail limiting new AI regulations, rejecting the development of international AI bodies or agreements, rolling back existing governance mechanisms, or demanding a moratorium on all moves to regulate AI at the state level. This could help to maximize AI development and adoption by creating an enabling environment for rapidly-evolving use cases and technological capabilities. It would also require a high risk tolerance for dangerous uses of AI at scale, and it would give primacy to a small number of AI developers at the expense of allowing democratic mechanisms to balance societal impacts and priorities.

Sunday, October 4, 2026

Executive Branch

 Questions on the simulation? 

Office hour today: 1:15-2:15


The Constitution and Federalist



Federalist 70 "The ingredients which constitute energy in the Executive are, first, unity; secondly, duration; thirdly, an adequate provision for its support; fourthly, competent powers."

Federalist 71. "It is one thing to be subordinate to the laws, and another to be dependent on the legislative body.

Federalist 73"But the convention have pursued a mean in this business, which will both facilitate the exercise of the power vested in this respect in the executive magistrate, and make its efficacy to depend on the sense of a considerable part of the legislative body. Instead of an absolute negative, it is proposed to give the Executive the qualified negative already described. This is a power which would be much more readily exercised than the other."

Presidential staff  and democratic writing

Congress checking the president: NAIL:
  • Nominations
  • Appropriations
  • Investigations/Impeachment
  • Legislation
Informal pressure:  Harry Reid and Gates

WWI, WWII, the Cold War, and the War on Terror all contributed to the growth of presidential power.

Federalist 8: "It is of the nature of war to increase the executive at the expense of the legislative authority."

Democracy in America: "If executive power is weaker in America than in France, the reason for this lies perhaps more in circumstances than in the laws. It is generally in its relations with foreign powers that the executive power of a nation has the chance to display skill and strength. If the Union’s existence were constantly menaced, and if its great interests were continually interwoven with those of other powerful nations, one would see the prestige of the executive growing, because of what was expected from it and of what it did."

Gates
The secretary of defense is second only to the president in the military chain of command (neither the vice president nor the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff is in the chain at all), and any order to American forces worldwide goes from the president to the secretary directly to the combatant commanders (although as a practical matter and a courtesy, I routinely asked the chairman to convey such orders). More important than any of the meetings, the secretary makes life-and-death decisions every day—and not just for American military forces. Since 9/11, the president has delegated to the secretary the authority to shoot down any commercial airliner he, the secretary, deems to be a threat to the United States. The secretary can also order missiles fired to shoot down an incoming missile. 


 Nuclear war steps


Tom Nichols: "In 1973, an Air Force nuclear-missile officer named Harold Hering asked a simple question during a training session: “How can I know that an order I receive to launch my missiles came from a sane president?” The question cost him his career. Military members are trained to execute orders, not question them.

Wednesday, September 30, 2026

Constitutionalism II

For weekly reflection:  a very brief non-binding description of your role's stake in AI policy.   Also, a very brief description of the constitutional basis of that job.  (In most cases, the Constitution does not specifically mention these jobs.)

For Monday

Wurman and the meaning of meaning:

  • Originalism:  original public meaning and original intent
  • Original application and original sense.

From last time: Faction

39, 49, 51.

Federalist 39 and Federalism:

The proposed Constitution, therefore, is, in strictness, neither a national nor a federal Constitution, but a composition of both. In its foundation it is federal, not national; in the sources from which the ordinary powers of the government are drawn, it is partly federal and partly national; in the operation of these powers, it is national, not federal; in the extent of them, again, it is federal, not national; and, finally, in the authoritative mode of introducing amendments, it is neither wholly federal nor wholly national.

SPENCER COX COMMENTED ON THE VALUE OF FEDERALISM. 

Federalist 51

  • Separation of Powers: "Ambition must be made to counteract ambition. The interest of the man must be connected with the constitutional rights of the place."
  • "In the compound republic of America, the power surrendered by the people, is first divided between two distinct governments, and then the portion allotted to each subdivided among distinct and separate departments.  Hence a double security arises to the rights of the people.  The different governments will control each other; at the same time that each will be controlled by itself. " 


Is the Founding legitimate?  
  • Federalist 39:  "derives all its powers directly or indirectly from the great body of the people."
  • Federalist 49: Madison quotes Jefferson: "As the people are the only legitimate fountain of power.."

  • "Veneration"
  • James Ceaser: "The idea of reverence for the Constitution was a creation of The Federalist. But why did The Federalist create this doctrine of constitutional reverence?"

Veneration: 


Simulation Roles

 

President Arya
Vice President  Jessica
Secretary of Defense Graham
Secretary of State Muskaan
Secretary of Energy Edden
Secretary of Commerce Gavia
Secretary of Labor Philip
Attorney General Ben
Secretary of Homeland Security Caleb
Chair, Federal Trade Commission Lucas
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs (aka the National Security Advisor) Annie Chen
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations Nikhil
Chief of Staff Sabi
Director of the Office of Science and Technology Policy Aryaa
Director of National Intelligence Lily
CIA Director Isabella 
FBI Director Nate
White House Counsel  Alex
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Annie Long

Sunday, September 27, 2026

Second Essay (and Simulation!) 2026

On October 7, the class will simulate the National Security Council (plus other advisers) and advise the president on how to address artificial intelligence. The scenario is from the Council on Foreign Relations:  https://www.cfr.org/education/teach/simulations/regulating-ai. The president will consider three broad options: an international governing regime, federal regulation, or limited federal involvement.

By Wednesday, I will randomly assign each of you a role from the list below. Most roles come from CFR's NSC list, along with several other custom roles.  If there are specific roles you do not want, please email me by tomorrow morning.

During the simulation, take notes by hand (unless you have an accommodation for electronic note-taking). Record which arguments moved people, and what the president decided and why.  Your paper should explain how well our simulation captured the way the United States actually makes policy, and what the gap between the two reveals about executive power. Discuss:
  • How the interests and demands of your real-world role would affect what its occupant recommends about AI policy;
  • What you argued and why; 
  • The exchanges or arguments that shaped the outcome;
  • The president's decision;
  • How the simulation both resembled and differed from real-world decision-making.  Compare the simulation with actual policymaking. In reality, AI policy involves Congress, state legislatures, courts, industry, and foreign governments. What did the simulation get right, and what did it leave out? Draw both on class readings and outside sources. 

Instructions:

  • Essays should be double-spaced and no more than four pages long. I will not read past the fourth page.
  • This week's reflection should be a preliminary description of your role and what someone in that position might advise. Do not rely only on the CFR description.
  • Essays should be in the form of Word documents. Do not submit pdfs or Google docs.
  • Cite outside sources with endnotes (not footnotes) in Chicago/Turabian style. Endnote pages do not count against the page limit.
  • Provide a photo, screenshot, or scan of at least one page of your notes. You may either upload it to Canvas or email it to me.
  • Misrepresenting AI-generated content as your own work is plagiarism. It could result in a referral to the Academic Standards Committee. You do not want to start your college career this way.
  • Watch your spelling, grammar, diction, and punctuation. Errors will count against you. Read Strunk & White and watch my writing lecture before writing this paper.
  • Turn in essays to Canvas by 11:59 PM, Friday, October 16. (If you have trouble with Canvas, simply email it to me as an attached Word file.) I reserve the right to dock essays a grade point for one day’s lateness, a full letter grade after that.
=====================
The Roles:
  • President
  • Vice President 
  • Secretary of Defense
  • Secretary of State
  • Secretary of Energy
  • Secretary of Commerce
  • Secretary of Labor
  • Attorney General
  • Secretary of Homeland Security
  • Chair, Federal Trade Commission
  • Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs (aka the National Security Advisor)
  • U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations
  • Chief of Staff
  • Director of the Office of Science and Technology Policy
  • Director of National Intelligence
  • CIA Director
  • FBI Director
  • Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff